REINO DE ESPANA – THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN

Mainland Spain covers an area of 500,000 square kilometres and has a coastline of 2,100 kilometres. Spain includes both the Canary and Balearic Islands, administers two small enclaves in Morocco known as Ceuta and Melilla and three island groups near Africa. The British dependency of Gibraltar is situated at Spain’s southern extremity.

It is a big country and the second largest in Europe after France. The interior of Spain is a vast plateau called the Meseta bound to the north-east by the Pyrenees, to the south-west by the Sierra Morena and to the south by the best-known Sierra Nevada. The Meseta is a mountainous area through which many rivers have cut deep valleys and gorges. Much of the coastline is steep and rocky but there is a narrow coastal plain bordering the Mediterranean. The highest point is Pico de Tiede on Tenerife at 3,718 metres above sea level.

Spain’s population of 40 million is lower than many European countries. With 78 people per square kilometre it has one of the lowest population densities in Europe. Despite being 97% Catholic, Spain has a low birth rate of 1.5 children per family with a life expectancy of 75 years for men and 80 years for women. Most Spaniards are now urban rather than rural dwellers. Over a million British now live in Spain concentrated in the capital, Barcelona, the Costas and the Islands.

The principal cities are Madrid, situated in the geographical centre of mainland Spain, being the seat of central government and an important commercial centre, quickly followed by Barcelona, a commercial and industrial city with a large port. There is an intense rivalry between the two cities, both political and sporting. Valencia, the third largest city facing the Mediterranean, is important for car manufacturing and citrus growing. Seville, the fourth largest city located in the south-west, exports agricultural produce such as olive oil, fruit and wine. Bilbao is a major modern port on the north coast.

Spain’s main agricultural products are barley, wheat, sugar beet, vegetables, citrus fruits, wine and olive oil. The largest fishing catches are tuna, sardines, mussels, squid and octopus. Coal and iron ore are mined in Asturias. Manufacturing comprises motor vehicles, machinery, ships and boats, chemicals, steel, textiles and footwear.

Exports consist mainly of cars, machinery, fruit and vegetable produce, iron ore and textiles. Imports consist of fuels and petrol, machinery, electrical equipment, vehicles, chemicals and food products. Spain’s major trading partners are France, Germany, Italy, the UK, the USA and Portugal.

The economy is changing from a tradition of agriculture to that of a semiindustrial nation, although it still has the largest fishing fleet in Europe, being widely suspected of flouting EU regulations, quotas and net sizes. Ten per cent of the workforce is engaged in tourism with a further ten percent in agriculture and one per cent in fishing. There is a huge, duplicated civil service. Unemployment is around eight per cent.

Spain maintains a well-equipped armed service with women accepted into all branches. The government has close defence ties with the United States which has maintained naval and air bases in the country.

BIRTH OF A NATION

On 20 November 1975, General Franco died and the Spanish nation was left with the task of restoring democracy in the depths of a worldwide recession. For 38 years all the important decisions had been taken by one man. Until his dying day. Franco had restricted power to those who had refused to countenance change, or accepted the need for change but were only prepared to introduce it slowly and conditionally. If Spain were to change it was clear that much would depend on the role played by the young man who had succeeded Franco.

Two days after his death in 1975, his heir and protégé was crowned – Juan Carlos 1, El Rey de Espana. His first duty was to attend Franco’s state funeral at the Valley of the Fallen, the vast mausoleum hacked from rock which commemorates the dead of the Spanish Civil War and where many are interred. Juan Carlos was not someone in whom Spaniards had much faith. Ever since the age of 10 the young Prince had been projected by the media as a loyal son of the regime, completing his education with distinction and going on to attend all three military academies. He had rarely been seen except in Franco’s shadow, standing behind the old dictator on platforms and podiums at official ceremonies. The overall impression was of a nice enough chap but with not enough intelligence or imagination to question the conventions of his background. Few people can have been misjudged as Juan Carlos, for his rather gauche manner hid a penetrating and receptive mind.

Under the constitutional system devised by Franco, the monarch could only choose his Prime Minister from a list of three names drawn up by the Council of the Realm, a 17-man advisory body consisting almost entirely of Franco diehards. When the King’s new choice eventually became known, the reaction was of stunned disbelief. The man he had chosen was Adolfo Suarez, who at 43 was the youngest member of the outgoing government. Everything about Suarez except his youth seemed to be at variance with the spirit of the times. He had spent his entire working life serving the dictator in a variety of posts. Not surprisingly, he filled his first government with men of his own age whom he had met on his way up through the state system. ‘What a mistake!; What an immense mistake!;’ declared one of Spain’s leading newspapers of the day.

Suarez moved fast. Three months after the swearing-in of his government, he had laid before the Cortes (Spanish parliament) a political reform bill which introduced universal suffrage and a two-chamber parliament, consisting of a lower house, or Congress, and an upper house to be called the Senate. To ease its passage it was made clear to members of the Cortes that the way they voted would affect such matters as who would sit on which committee and whether a blind eye would be turned to certain untaxed accounts. The entire proceedings were broadcast on radio and television and all the deputies were called upon by name to stand up and say either ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to reform. One by one the members of the Cortes, generals and admirals, ex-ministers, bankers and local bigwigs stood up and endorsed a measure that would put an end to everything they had spent their lives supporting. Spaniards realised that the long nightmare of Franco had really come to an end.

Further reform measures came thick and fast. The cabinet endorsed a procedure for the legalisation of political parties. The Socialists were legalised first, and then the Communists, the right to strike was recognised and trade unions were legalised. Then the government and opposition parties agreed on how the elections should be conducted and votes counted.

A new constitution was agreed, restoring the identity of ancient kingdoms and regions going back to 1492. The result was a kind of United States of Spain, a tightly regulated country having five levels of government. The top two levels comprised a congress and senate of elected representatives from the provinces, the islands and the regions. Then came 17 autonomous regions, called comunidades, with their own parliaments and governments, with the autonomous regions further divided into provincial and then into the smaller municipios. A new, democratic country was born.

A few years later, after a distinguished term in office, Adolfo Suarez resigned. Only days later Spain faced its greatest challenge, and Juan Carlos his finest hour. In the late afternoon of February 23, 1981, Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo was about to be installed as Spain’s new Prime Minister when suddenly the doors to the Cortes were flung open to admit Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero and a large force of armed Guardia Civil. The entire Cortes was placed in custody. In Valencia, General Milans de Bosch declared a state of emergency and ordered tanks onto the streets. Spain was again within a hairs breadth of a military coup d’etat.

With all the elected members of Parliament held in the Cortes, only one man stood between Spain and a return to military rule. Had Juan Carlos panicked and fled the capital, it would have been all over for Spain’s democracy. But El Rev was made of sterner stuff. Summoning a television crew to La Zarzuela, his private home, Juan Carlos donned full uniform as Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish forces, and broadcast direct to the nation, ordering all units of the armed forces to take whatever steps were necessary to restore democracy. Spain breathed a great sigh of relief, and within hours the attempted coup was over. This, to some an embarrassingly comic interlude, consigned the generals to oblivion.

The 1980s

By the mid 1980s it was clear that things were generally working. The economy was showing good signs as inflation fell, productivity rose and the huge budget deficit became a surplus. Under the socialists democracy was firmly consolidated, the military modernised and partly removed from the shadows. The socialist government launched major development programmes in agriculture and tourism and rebuilt the infrastructure, especially the nation’s crumbling road system. With the economy improving steadily, money began pouring into government coffers. It seemed a new golden age had arrived.

The new urbanised Spaniard was delighted to appreciate the temptations of modern consumer society; from cell phones to Seat cars, as if trying to quickly acquire those things denied to them under the old regime. By the late 1980s Spaniards had one of the world’s highest disposable incomes and enjoyed longer life expectancies than Americans and Britons. Times had changed.

Socially the sexual revolution of the 1980s was described by Spaniards themselves as ‘a binge’. Kerb side vending machines sold condoms, and prostitutes named their offering and price in the classified ad sections of the press. Gays and lesbians surfaced openly for the first time. Abortion rates rocketed – one for every two live births, the highest in the western world. The catholic nation that once led Europe in high birthrates now had just 1.5 children per family. London of the swinging 1960s happened in Madrid around 1985.

Approval was gained for phased entry into the EU in 1986 with full membership by 1992. No other nation seemed so enthusiastic over the idea of a united Europe as Spain. The nation’s acceptance of foreign leadership reflected a mistrust of Madrid and Spanish politicians. This romance with Europeanism was a complex affair revealing deeply ingrained national traits – a desire to belong to something other than traditional Spain.

Entry into the EU helped create boom days as foreign money poured into the Spanish economy which again enjoyed the fastest growth rate in Europe. The end of trade barriers and government control was like a breath of fresh air and for several years Madrid’s stock market was the most active and profitable in the world.

But there was a down side. Imports flooded into the country and exports dropped, a textbook example of what happens to a protected economy when it enters a free market. By the end of the decade international interests owned all six of Spain’s car manufacturers; foreigners soon controlled eight of the top ten chemical companies; and multinationals moved in on a grand scale.

Spain’s producers, faced with foreign competition for the first time, suffered. In particular the Basque region was burdened with outdated traditional industry – coal, steel, shipbuilding – that had fallen on hard times. Factories were in dire need of modernisation if they hoped to remain competitive, yet foreign investors were wary of the Basque region and its political problems.

Conversely Barcelona, well placed to serve the huge European market, was reaping great benefits from EU membership. Some Catalans began speaking of a Europe of regions rather than nations and had their own lobby in Brussels. Indeed, all Spain was delighted with the huge amounts of cash available for roads, airports, and other public projects.

Internationally Spain’s role in world affairs continued to change. No longer would it sit on its hands and watch. The government allowed former US bases to be used as critical staging areas for the Gulf War of 1990. Spain re-emerged as an important diplomatic force in the Americas through its peacekeeping efforts in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. It also played a role in the Balkan conflict. Now a stable Spain could lend a hand as Yugoslavia disintegrated into civil war not unlike its own nightmare decades earlier.

1992

Spain’s prestige abroad was at its highest as 1992 began. The nation was obsessed with showing its best face. Large-scale public works transformed highways, airports and a new bullet-train between Seville and Madrid was launched. To commemorate the discovery of America five centuries previously, the city of Seville played host to a colossal international exposition called Expo-92. The same year Barcelona served as the home of a highly successful Olympic Games and used the occasion for extensive urban renewal. Not to be outdone, Madrid presented a nonstop series of events as Cultural Capital of Europe.

It also marked a decade in power for Gonzalez and the socialists, far longer than any previous elected government in Spain. There was good reason to celebrate. During the socialists’ tenure Spain shook off decades of isolation from the rest of Europe. The bloody past of Spanish history had been laid to rest. Clerics and generals were gone from the stage. Regionalism gave way to rational autonomy. ETA was on the wane.

But at the end of 1992 the world economic crisis was having serious effects on the Spanish economy. There were signs that the long national fiesta was over. The Madrid stock market declined 30% in a year. Economists warned the nation was living beyond its means and could no longer consume far more than it produced.

1992 to 2000

Regional autonomy had greatly swollen the ranks of Spanish bureaucracy. In the 10 years to 1992, the number of civil servants working in the 17 regional governments increased dramatically. Catalonia was a virtual state within a state with tens of thousands of public employees. Part of the endemic labour problem stemmed from society’s attitudes to work. It seemed too many Spaniards dreamed of having a safe, paper-shuffling job in a government office. This affinity for secure, cushy office jobs reflected the deep-seated attitude of Spaniards.

Spain needed desperately to create wealth, yet unemployment remained high with huge segments of the population standing idle. Instead of the free soup of 40 years ago, many were now receiving regular welfare cheques. The government itself was going broke with a vast cradle-to-grave social system modelled on its wealthier neighbours. In 1994, when public spending peaked at close to 50% of the GDP, about 12 million people were employed and 9.3 million received social benefits.

Facing the problem head on, the government focused on the key weakness: the high cost of labour. Over the years Franco, Socialist governments and the unions had priced Spain out of the labour market. The Socialists decided to dismantle their own creation, the Workers’ Statute of 1984, before it was too late.

Yet Spain needed a more fundamental change. Tinkering at the edges was just playing with the problem. The leader of the opposition party was Jose Maria Aznar. Small of stature and mild mannered he had played no role in the post Franco transition. He was the first national figure to come of age in the new Spain. Slowly gaining supporters, his popularity soared after he survived an ETA car bomb attack. Aznar was sworn in as the fourth premier of Spain. 20 years after Franco’s death, conservatives and not Socialists were finally accepted as a legitimate political force.

The new prime minister promised an austere programme of spending cuts and financial reforms and two years of sacrifice to meet strict EC guidelines for joining the monetary union. Aznar’s agenda included major reductions in the civil service and mass privatisation of state-run companies. The nation was ready for Aznar’s honest, business-like style. It was time for a pause and fortunately Spain’s economy bounced back and remained vibrant throughout the decade. With these strides Spain formed part of the core group to launch the euro, in 1999.

Modern Spain

We move on to the new millennium. Up to 2004 three Prime Ministers have held power since the restoration of democracy – Suarez, Gonzalez and Aznar. Looking back we can see Suarez managed the transition of the country during the formative years of democracy. Gonzalez steered the country to obtain membership of the EU in 1986, thus ensuring Spain’s economic growth which has benefited greatly from the EU programme of special economic aid to poorer countries. Aznar tackled the budget deficit, provoking some discontent with resultant strikes, but maintaining the country’s strong economic ties with Europe.

Then the Madrid train bombings occurred in 2004. The country was rocked. Eleven bombs wrecked four trains, killing 191 people and injuring hundreds. Spain was back to centre stage in Europe yet again. Grief and shock returned a Socialist government ill-prepared for office. Terrorism suddenly hit Spain as its European neighbours looked on. Zapatero, probably the weakest of all Prime Ministers, dealt with the aftermath of the train bombings, elected by people seeking a pacifist, no war culture.

Although the Madrid attacks were identified beyond all doubt as the work of fundamentalist terrorists, it spurred on the authorities to deal with ETA. ‘ETA – how much longer?’ was the cry. In late 2004 senior members of ETA were arrested in the Basque region of France – their hiding ground since 1975. Have the problems of ETA been put to rest?

In 30 years Spain has transformed its political and social structure to that of a conventional Western democracy. A plethora of elections –general, regional, municipal as well as regional referenda – has gone some way to placating the aspirations of the Catalans, if not so much those of the Basques. Her democracy is established and although there may be some rough edges, her economy at least is no worse than many other western nations and better than some. Prominent Spaniards have made the step into EU politics, and Spaniards are active at all levels of the EU administration. Greater visibility and prestige have also accrued from Spain’s presidency of the EU and from international peace conferences held in Madrid. These developments, particularly on the political and economic front, are a source of pride for Spaniards. Spain is now a developed European country rather than just a backward, ‘sun and cheap wine’ vacation spot.

Spain’s economy is sound, her society stable. She has, for the first time in her turbulent history, many friends amongst the international community. Her people remain as vibrant, as loyal, and as individual as they ever were. Her national character remains unchanged, moulded by her turbulent history. Spain’s democracy is still young, but it is strong, fixed, and under good leadership.

Today’s Spain is very, very different to that of the Franco years.

MIGRATION

From Spain

Surprisingly more than 2.5 million Spaniards continue to live outside Spain. They are the sons and daughters who fled in the aftermath of the civil war. During the Second World War, Spain had remained neutral while actively favouring its old supporters, the Axis –Germans and Italians. At the end of the war Spain was in a strange position; not entitled to the rewards of victory nor at risk from the encroaching power of the Soviet Union. There was no incentive to give Spain aid and a very good reason for denying it. In fact the world powers punished Spain for supporting the Axis. In December 1946 the newly-created United Nations passed a resolution recommending a trade boycott. Coming on top of the deprivations brought about by the civil war, which had cut real income per capita to nineteenth-century levels, the boycott was a disaster for the country.

All of Europe suffered deprivation in the post-war era, but Spain, where the late forties are known as the years of hunger, suffered more than most. In the cities, cats and dogs disappeared from the streets, having either starved to death or been eaten. In the countryside, the poorer peasants lived off boiled grass and weeds. But for the loans granted by General Peron, the Argentine dictator, to purchase beef and cereals, it is possible there would have been full-scale famine.

To the villagers in Andalusia – which had been the scene of desperate poverty even before the civil war – the deprivations of the post-war era were the final straw. Individuals, families and, in some cases, entire villages packed up their belongings and headed for the industrial centres of the north. The cost in human misery was considerable. Many Spaniards set off to find work abroad. During the late 1950s and into the 1960s well over a million Spaniards emigrated to Germany, France, Britain and other European countries. A rising standard of living in those countries created jobs which their own nationals were unwilling to fill, but were attractive to people from the poor farming and fishing villages of Spain.

From Morocco

More than a half million Moroccan citizens live in Spain with an additional 100,000 from Algeria and Tunisia. Among the Moroccans, more than 40% are in the country illegally, although this figure changes periodically with amnesties given by the Spanish government. Their presence is obvious due to appearance, language, religion, dress and occupation – they work in agriculture and building, or selling rugs, leather goods and trinkets.

Some migrant workers are very poor; not only Moroccans, but also some Peruvians, Ecuadorians and Dominicans, most of whom speak Spanish, a legacy of Spain conquering the world in the 15th century. They are the main source of cheap labour as many young Spaniards are reluctant to take low-grade employment.

There is a widespread suspicion that the theft and numerous break-ins that plague large parts of Spain are due to the immigrants from Morocco. The crime rate involving property is much higher in the resort areas where foreigners have settled. Well known areas in Madrid, Barcelona and Palma are recognised as Moroccan ghettos and sites for the sale of drugs.

A serious incident of rioting occurred in the town of El Ejido in February 2000, a large agricultural area specialising in the cultivation of hot house, winter grown produce. Enormous demand for agricultural produce had led to the immigration of many thousands of workers from Morocco. The cause of local anger against foreign workers was the killing of a 26-year-old Spanish woman by a mentally disturbed young boy. This was the third case of murder of a Spanish national by a migrant farm worker within a period of only 15 days. Mobs attacked workers, burned down bars and other establishments frequented by foreign workers, some of whom were forced to seek shelter and protection in the local police station. The incident received widespread coverage in the Spanish media.

From northern Europe

Another new migrant group from northern Europe now totals some 1.3 million people...and that’s the official figure. Many settle in a twilight world ‘non-resident’, and of these many own holiday homes. They seek the sun and a lower cost of living. To accommodate this inflow, properties are built at the rate of 100,000 per year and this shows no sign of reducing.

Among northern European migrants to Spain, there are two major groups. There is a large majority who are content to live in a microcosm of their own country. A ‘little England’ or ‘little Germany’ based in Spain. And why not? They are among friends and neighbours with whom they can communicate easily, enjoy the same food and replicate life in the ‘old country’.

Then there is a minority who feel they must integrate with the Spanish no matter how difficult this may be. They believe ghettos of British or Germans are undesirable. English shops, mini-markets, pubs and Irish bars, Chinese restaurants and English language newspapers bring all the comforts of home, but this group wants to hear the Spanish language, eat Spanish food, drink in Spanish bars and get a flavour of Spanish culture. Again, why not? Remoteness, solitude and self reliance are all excellent values.

How about the Spanish reaction? Tourism and immigration have been important to the economic boom and rising prosperity apparent in areas of Spain along the coast and on the Islands. This can generate a certain amount of envy or resentment by some Spaniards. They may wish to see the old ways remain, or resent the high property prices paid by foreigners forcing locals out of the market or they are simply reluctant to see foreign invaders in their country. Principally they resent foreigners who do not learn Spanish or familiarise themselves with the Spanish way of life. Can they be blamed?